By Cicero, Marcus Tullius; Baraz, Yelena; Cicero, Marcus Tullius
In the forties BCE, in the course of his pressured retirement from politics below Caesar's dictatorship, Cicero grew to become to philosophy, generating a big and significant physique of labor. As he used to be conscious, this was once an strange venture for a Roman statesman simply because Romans have been frequently adverse to philosophy, perceiving it as international and incompatible with satisfying one's accountability as a citizen. How, then, are we to appreciate Cicero's determination to pursue philosophy within the context of the political, highbrow, and cultural lifetime of the overdue Roman republic? In A Written Republic, Yelena Baraz takes up this query and makes the case that philosophy for Cicero used to be now not a retreat from politics yet a continuation of politics by way of different potential, another lifestyle a political existence and serving the kingdom below newly constrained stipulations.
Baraz examines the rhetorical conflict that Cicero levels in his philosophical prefaces--a conflict among the forces that will oppose or help his undertaking. He offers his philosophy as in detail attached to the recent political situations and his exclusion from politics. His goal--to profit the country through delivering new ethical assets for the Roman elite--was conventional, whether his approach to translating Greek philosophical wisdom into Latin and mixing Greek assets with Roman history used to be unorthodox.
A Written Republic offers a brand new viewpoint on Cicero's belief of his philosophical undertaking whereas additionally including to the wider photograph of late-Roman political, highbrow, and cultural life.
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Additional info for A written republic : Cicero's philosophical politics
Exercebat enim opere se, terramque (ut mos fuit priscis) subigebat, “[here] he used to wash his body, exhausted from agricultural work. ” On how Seneca manipulates the myth of Scipio’s retirement, see Henderson 2004, chs. 9–12 (esp. ch. 9). , the argument between Q. Axius, Appius Claudius, and L. 18. Kronenberg 2009 argues that Varro’s treatise is a satire that exposes the hypocrisy of Roman discourse about farming; see 102–106 and 116–29 for her discussion of book 3. 137–72, esp. 159 on moralizing agricultural writers’ condemnation of luxury villas that serve no real agricultural purpose.
For a different view that emphasizes the use of slave labor in the Roman hunt, see Mariotti ad loc. 199. , Cicero Off. 151, Sen. 56; Cato Agr. preface. 102 considers the phrase servilia officia ironic, but nothing in the tone of the rest of the preface justifies resorting to irony, not a device favored by Sallust, as an explanation. 173–74 interprets it as one of Sallust’s devices designed to indicate paradoxes in the life and character of Cato the Elder by labeling one of Cato’s known activities as inappropriate to a man of his class.
The implication is that the war and peace distinction corresponds exactly to the action and speech distinction, that is, just as glory can be attained in peace and in war, so it can be attained by speaking (in peacetime) as well as acting (in wartime). This implication is false, for peacetime activities are by no means all verbal, and speech has an important role to play in wartime, but the flow of antitheses thus far 29 Cf. the comparison between Cato the Elder and Socrates in Amic. 172 shows that bene facere here is an allusion to the fragment of Cato the Elder’s speech De Sumptu Suo, and argues that Sallust sets himself against Cato, both an actor and a scriptor, as one to whom the sphere of facere was closed off by corrupt times.